Producing Spoilers Peacemaking And The Production Of Enmity In A Secular Age

What do supporters of Hamas and radical religious Israeli settlers have to do with the international peace process, other than providing an excuse for its failure? High-level diplomatic negotiators and grassroots peace activists blame religious extremists for acting as spoilers of rational negotiation, and have often attempted to neutralize, co-opt, or marginalize them. In Producing Spoilers Joyce Dalsheim explores the problem of stalled peacemaking by looking at spoilers" not as the cause, but as a symptom of systemic malfunctions within the concept of the nation state itself, and the secular constructs of historicism that support it. Spoilers are generated as internal enemies in the course of conflict, and used as an explanation of why processes of peace and reconciliation fail. In other words, she argues, peacemaking efforts can work to produce enmity. Dalsheim is primarily concerned with the case of Israel/Palestine, and how groups considered radical religionists aremarginalized as spoilers of peace and thus removed from the mainstream moral collective of peace seekers. Dalsheim considers the ways in which processes of conflict resolution, diplomacy, dialogue, educating for peace as well as social theorizing about liberation, peace, and social justice actually participate in constructing enemies which ultimately limit the options for peaceful outcomes. She examines the work of top-level peacemakers (politicians and diplomats) as well as scholars and grass-roots level peacemakers, and draws on her own research in Israel/Palestine and her experience as a grass-roots level peacemaker there. She considers a number of taken-for-granted ways of thinking that are related to the process of producing spoilers - for example, the constraints of the narrative form and how narratives and storytelling are employed (or deployed) in peacemaking. The idea of anachronism, she shows - who or what belongs to the past - prevents even some of the most progressive theorists and activists from seeing potentially creative options for peaceful coexistence. Dalsheim also looks at the limits of territorial solutions and the limited imaginings of territorial nationalism, the context in which spoilers of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict are produced, in comparison to current theorizing on flexible citizenship and diasporic identity. The book concludes with an examination of how peacemaking can be seen as a means of implementing a secular neoliberal agenda."

"This book examines the struggle over Jewishness in Israel. Although the state was founded to liberate the Jews, some Israelis must leave the country to get married, while others are denigrated for trying to live the Torah life. The Kafaesque nature of such struggles illustrates how modern democratic nation-states, meant to liberate citizens through rule by "the people" and for "the people," instead create "a people" for the state and its projects. The book argues that self-determination becomes a form of self-elimination as it produces the ethnos for the nation, inevitably narrowing the possible forms of personal and cultural identity. Sovereignty, secularism, nationalism, citizenship, self-determination, assimilation, Israel, settler-colonialism, religion, Jewishness"--

Charles Taylor’s monumental book A Secular Age has been extensively discussed, criticized, and worked on. This volume, by contrast, explores ways of working with Taylor’s book, especially its potentials and limits for individual research projects. Due to its wide reception, it has initiated a truly interdisciplinary object of study; with essays drawn from various research fields, this volume fosters substantial conversation across disciplines.

Indonesia suffered an explosion of religious violence, ethnic violence, separatist violence, terrorism, and violence by criminal gangs, the security forces and militias in the late 1990s and early 2000s. By 2002 Indonesia had the worst terrorism problem of any nation. All these forms of violence have now fallen dramatically. How was this accomplished? What drove the rise and the fall of violence? Anomie theory is deployed to explain these developments. Sudden institutional change at the time of the Asian financial crisis and the fall of President Suharto meant the rules of the game were up for grabs. Valerie Braithwaite's motivational postures theory is used to explain the gaming of the rules and the disengagement from authority that occurred in that era. Ultimately resistance to Suharto laid a foundation for commitment to a revised, more democratic, institutional order. The peacebuilding that occurred was not based on the high-integrity truth-seeking and reconciliation that was the normative preference of these authors. Rather it was based on non-truth, sometimes lies, and yet substantial reconciliation. This poses a challenge to restorative justice theories of peacebuilding.

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Many ceasefires and peace agreements in civil conflict are initially unsuccessful. Whilst some give way to renewed and often escalating violence, others have become interminably protracted leading to lengthy negotiations in which concessions are rare. Given the huge material and human costs of a failed peace process, the international community has a strong interest in helping these processes succeed and addressing threats to their implementation. This publication focuses on the groups and tactics (referred to as 'spoilers') that actively seek to obstruct or undermine conflict settlement through a variety of means, including terrorism and violence, drawing upon experience from Northern Ireland, the Basque region, Bosnia, Colombia, Israel/Palestine, Cyprus, the Caucasus and Kashmir. It explores the concept of 'spoiling' and spoiling behaviours from a broad range of interests involved (including rebel groups and insurgents, diasporas and governments), considers how this can be addressed, and demonstrates how ill-conceived or imposed peace processes can themselves contribute to the problem.

Transitional Justice Theories is the first volume to approach the politically sensitive subject of post-conflict or post-authoritarian justice from a theoretical perspective. It combines contributions from distinguished scholars and practitioners as well as from emerging academics from different disciplines and provides an overview of conceptual approaches to the field. The volume seeks to refine our understanding of transitional justice by exploring often unarticulated assumptions that guide discourse and practice. To this end, it offers a wide selection of approaches from various theoretical traditions ranging from normative theory to critical theory. In their individual chapters, the authors explore the concept of transitional justice itself and its foundations, such as reconciliation, memory, and truth, as well as intersections, such as reparations, peace building, and norm compliance. This book will be of particular interest for scholars and students of law, peace and conflict studies, and human rights studies. Even though highly theoretical, the chapters provide an easy read for a wide audience including readers not familiar with theoretical investigations.

This publication contains 18 papers which explore the challenges, posed by states involved in civil conflict, for the UN, individual countries and non-governmental organisations, whether acting as providers of humanitarian assistance or agents of political and social reconstruction. Issues discussed include: the dimensions of state disruption and the roles of the international community in responding to it; military doctrine for dealing with disorder and humanitarian emergencies; mechanisms for ending violence and delivering justice in post-conflict times; problems of rebuilding trust and promoting democracy; reconstitution of the rule of law; and the re-establishment of social and civil order.

Looking to the future in confronting the Islamic State The Islamic State (best known in the West as ISIS or ISIL) has been active for less than a decade, but it has already been the subject of numerous histories and academic studies—all focus primarily on the past. The Future of ISIS is the first major study to look ahead: what are the prospects for the Islamic State in the near term, and what can the global community, including the United States, do to counter it? Edited by two distinguished scholars at Indiana University, the book examines how ISIS will affect not only the Middle East but the global order. Specific chapters deal with such questions as whether and how ISIS benefitted from intelligence failures, and what can be done to correct any such failures; how to confront the alarmingly broad appeal of Islamic State ideology; the role of local and regional actors in confronting ISIS; and determining U.S. interests in preventing ISIS from gaining influence and controlling territory. Given the urgency of the topic, The Future of ISIS is of interest to policymakers, analysts, and students of international affairs and public policy.

This book provides the first full account of America's relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran from Jimmy Carter's presidency to Barack Obama's. It discusses all major facets of Iranian policy of interest to the United States: nuclear proliferation, revolutionary export and support for international terrorism, efforts to undermine the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, and violations of human rights. It compares developments in Iran to their perception in Washington, providing the clearest picture available yet of the discrepancies between the complex and elusive Iranian reality and its understanding in the United States.

The field of peacemaking is in turbulent change. There are more peacemaking actors than before but fewer success stories, and an increasing number of violent conflicts tend to resist negotiated agreements. Tools and practices created for traditional inter- and intra-state conflicts have become ineffective and revision of old mediation practices is called for. This book examines how the private peacemaking organisations have faced this challenge. In the 21st century, private peacemakers have become a central part of peace diplomacy and have appeared as flexible actors whose innovative thinking paves the way for reconsidering and reinventing old practices of mediation. Instead of emphasizing the act of resolution, a new emphasis is given to the transformation of violence into a peace system, the complexity of conflict and the inadequateness of rational management. Furthermore, this shift has brought civic society actors from the field of reconciliation to the field of peace mediation. This new pragmatic approach under development can be called dialogic mediation.

International interventions in the aftermath of mass violence tend to focus on justice and reconciliation processes, elections and institution-building. The frame of reference tends to be at the state level with insufficient attention paid to the transformations of belief systems and codes of conduct. This book seeks to bridge this divide by offering a trans-disciplinary analysis of the impact of mass crime on the rebuilding of social and political relations. Drawing on historical and more recent cases (including examples from Bosnia-Herzegovina, Burundi, Cambodia, Indonesia, Peru, and Rwanda) the authors examine the impact of mass crimes on individuals, society at large, and the organizations involved in providing assistance in the post-conflict phase.

This book represents the culmination of David Nirenberg's ongoing project; namely, how Muslims, Christians, and Jews lived with and thought about each other in the Middle Ages, and what the medieval past can tell us about how they do so today. There have been scripture based studies of the three religions of the book” that claim descent from Abraham, but Nirenberg goes beyond those to pay close attention to how the three religious neighbors loved, tolerated, massacred, and expelled each otherall in the name of Godin periods and places both long ago and far away. Whether Christian Crusaders and settlers in Islamic-ruled lands, or Jewish-Muslim relations in Christian-controlled Iberia, for Nirenberg, the three religions need to be studied in terms of how each affected the development of the other over time, their proximity of religious and philosophical thought as well as their overlapping geographies, and how the three neighbors” define (and continue to define) themselves and their place in the here-and-nowand the here-afterin terms of one another. Arguing against exemplary histories, static models of tolerance versus prosecution, or so-called Golden Ages and Black Legends, Nirenberg offers here instead a story that is more dynamic and interdependent, one where Muslim, Jewish, and Christian communities have re-imagined themselves, not only as abstractions of categories in each other's theologies and ideologies, but by living with each other every day as neighbors jostling each other on the street. From dangerous attractions leading to interfaith marriage, to interreligious conflicts leading to segregation, violence, and sometimes extermination, to strategies of bridging the interfaith gap through language, vocabulary, and poetryNirenberg aims to understand the intertwined past of the three faiths as a way for their heirs to coproduce the future.

Joyce Dalsheim's ethnographic study takes a ground-breaking approach to one of the most contentious issues in the Middle East: the Israeli settlement project. Based on fieldwork in the settlements of the Gaza Strip and surrounding communities during the year prior to the Israeli withdrawal, Unsettling Gaza poses controversial questions about the settlement of Israeli occupied territories in ways that move beyond the usual categories of politics, religion, and culture. The book critically examines how religiously-motivated settlers think about living with Palestinians, how they express theological uncertainty, and how they imagine the future beyond the confines of territorial nationalism. This is the first study to place radical, right-wing settlers and their left-wing and secular opposition in the same analytic frame. Dalsheim shows that the intense antagonism between these groups disguises fundamental similarities. Her analysis reveals the social and cultural work achieved through a politics of mutual denunciation. With theoretical implications stretching far beyond the boundaries of Israel/Palestine, Unsettling Gaza's counter-intuitive findings shed fresh light on politics and identity among Israelis and the troubling conflicts in Israel/Palestine, as well as providing challenges and insight into the broader questions that exist at the interface between religiosity and formations of the secular.

Contemporary Peacemaking draws on recent experience to identify and explore the essential components of peace processes. The book is organized around five key themes in peacemaking: planning for peace; negotiations; violence on peace processes; peace accords; and peace accord implementation and post-war reconstruction.

The Black Sea region was once on the periphery of European consciousness. Now it's the next frontier in transatlantic strategic thinking in terms of energy security, trade, migration, and other key policy areas. In this volume leading international experts examine the new dynamics of the Black Sea region, including perspectives from the region; transregional issues such as energy security, cross-border conflicts, democracy, civil rights, and the rule of law; and future relations with Russia, the EU, NATO, and other key actors.

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CUSTOMERS IN NORTH AMERICA: COPIES ARE AVAILABLE FROM WWW.SEVENSTORIES.COM The 25th annual World Report summarizes human rights conditions in more than ninety countries and territories worldwide, reflecting extensive investigative work undertaken in 2014 by Human Rights Watch staff in close partnership with domestic rights activists. The World Report 2015 focuses in particular on the roles--positive or negative--played in each country by key domestic and international figures. Human Rights Watch executive director Kenneth Roth’s introduction addresses the tumultuous events of the past year, and describes inattention to human rights as an aggravating factor in the rise of brutal non-state actors such as ISIS and Boko Haram. Other essays focus on the strangulation of civil society by both repressive and so-called democratic countries; the need to keep surveillance on the human rights agenda; the alarming rise of explosive weapons in populated areas; and human rights abuses linked to mega-sporting events.

Peter Kreeft believes that Baise Pascal is the first post-medieval apologist. No writer in history, claims Kreeft, is a more effective Christian apologist and evangelist to today's uprooted, confused, secularized pagans (inside and outside the Church) than Pascal. He was a brilliant man--a great scientist who did major work in physics and mathematics, as well as an inventor--whom Kreeft thinks was three centuries ahead of his time. His apologetics found in his Pensees are ideal for the modern, sophisticated skeptic.

Result of a joint research project conducted by the Institute for International Political Studies (ISPI) and the Center for Strategic Studies under the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan (SAM), the volume “Cooperation in Eurasia: Linking Identity, Security, and Development” aims to shed light on the drivers and on the rationale behind regional cooperation in Eurasia. In particular it investigates and ponder the weight of identity issues, security perceptions, and economic development needs for interstate cooperation in the Eurasian context, by taking into account both supra-national frameworks and regional scenarios. Accordingly, the book is divided in two parts, focusing respectively on “Cooperation and Competition at Multilateral Level” and on “Regional Case Studies”.

Antisemitism and anti-Zionism are complex, delineable, yet inter-related social-psychological phenomena. While antisemitism has been described as an irrational, age-old prejudice, anti-Zionism is often represented as a legitimate response to a ’rogue state’. Drawing upon media and visual sources and rich interview data from Iran, Britain and Israel, Antisemitism and Anti-Zionism: Representation, Cognition and Everyday Talk examines the concepts of antisemitism and anti-Zionism, tracing their evolution and inter-relations, and considering the distinct ways in which they are manifested, and responded to, by Muslim and Jewish communities in Iran, Britain and Israel. Providing insights from social psychology, sociology and history, this interdisciplinary analysis sheds light on the pivotal role of the media, social representations and identity processes in shaping antisemitism and anti-Zionism. As such, this provocative book will be of interest to social scientists working on antisemitism, race and ethnicity, political sociology and political science, media studies and Middle Eastern politics.

This book examines leaders of the seemingly intractable conflict between Israel and its Palestinian neighbors. It takes as an intellectual target of opportunity six Israeli prime ministers, asking why some of them have persisted in some hard-line positions but others have opted to become peacemakers. This book argues that some leaders do change, and above all it explains why and how such changes come about. This book goes beyond arguing simply that "leaders matter" by analyzing how their particular belief systems and personalities can ultimately make a difference to their country's foreign policy, especially toward a long-standing enemy. Although no hard-liner can stand completely still in the face of important changes, only those with ideologies that have specific components that act as obstacles to change and who have an orientation toward the past may need to be replaced for dramatic policy changes to take place.

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One Land, Two States imagines a new vision for Israel and Palestine in a situation where the peace process has failed to deliver an end of conflict. “If the land cannot be shared by geographical division, and if a one-state solution remains unacceptable,” the book asks, “can the land be shared in some other way?” Leading Palestinian and Israeli experts along with international diplomats and scholars answer this timely question by examining a scenario with two parallel state structures, both covering the whole territory between the Mediterranean and the Jordan River, allowing for shared rather than competing claims of sovereignty. Such a political architecture would radically transform the nature and stakes of the Israel-Palestine conflict, open up for Israelis to remain in the West Bank and maintain their security position, enable Palestinians to settle in all of historic Palestine, and transform Jerusalem into a capital for both of full equality and independence—all without disturbing the demographic balance of each state. Exploring themes of security, resistance, diaspora, globalism, and religion, as well as forms of political and economic power that are not dependent on claims of exclusive territorial sovereignty, this pioneering book offers new ideas for the resolution of conflicts worldwide.

This book offers a critical review of higher education and post-conflict recovery. It provides the first systematic study with a global scope that investigates the role of higher education systems in conflict-affected contexts. The first part of the book analyses the long-standing neglect of higher education in post-conflict recovery, the impact that conflict can have on the sector, and efforts to rebuild and reform higher education systems affected by violent conflict. The second part of the book considers the positive and negative contributions that higher education can make to a range of areas of recovery including humanitarian action, forced displacement, post-conflict reconstruction, statebuilding, and peacebuilding. With its reasoned defence of the importance of higher education for post-conflict recovery, the book will appeal to researchers, university students, and humanitarian and development policy-makers and practitioners.

Limiting Institutions examines the security threats in Eurasia and the role of institutions in the post-Cold War international environment. It looks at both the crucial aspect of foreign policy as well as a theoretical area of security studies and its impact in the former Soviet States including Russia, Belarus, Armenia, the Ukraine and Moldova. The first section addresses the security threats to this area of the world, and examines the range of responses open to European countries and to the US. Threats such as ethnic conflict, transnational crime, and environmental and energy security issues are examined in depth. The second section addresses the role that international institutions can perhaps play as arbiters of conflict and facilitators of cooperation in the region.

A major phenomenon in the post-World War II world is the rise of Japan as a leading international economic and industrial power. This advance began with American aid in rebuilding the nation after the war, but it has now seen Japan rival and even outstrip the United States on several fronts. The relations between the two powers and the impact that they have on economic and political factors during the postwar years are the focus of this important book. The editors, Akira Iriye and Warren I. Cohen, themselves noted authorities on Asian affairs, have gathered here contributions from a distinguished group of American and Japanese scholars. The resulting collection represents a unique blend of viewpoints from each side of the American-Japanese relationship.

This international relations study investigates the underlying causes of the Yemen crisis by analyzing the interactions of global, regional, and local actors. At all phases, GCC member states played a key role, from political negotiations amidst street protests in 2011 to formation of an international military coalition in 2015. Using a multi-actor model, the book shows that various actors, whether state or non-state, foreign or domestic, combined to create a disastrous armed conflict and humanitarian crisis. Yemen’s tragedy is often blamed on Saudi Arabia and its rivalry with Iran, which is usually defined in sectarian “Sunni-Shia” terms, yet the book presents a more complex picture of what happened due to involvement by many other foreign actors, such as the UAE, UN, UK, US, EU, Russia, China, Turkey, Oman, Qatar, and African states of the Red Sea and Horn of Africa.

In 1993 luminaries from around the world signed the 'Oslo Accords' - a pledge to achieve lasting peace in the Holy Land - on the lawn of the White House. Yet things didn't turn out quite as planned. With over 1, 000 Israelis and close to four times that number of Palestinians killed since 2000, the Oslo process is now considered 'history'. Impossible Peace provides one of the first comprehensive analyses of that history. Mark LeVine argues that Oslo was never going to bring peace or justice to Palestinians or Israelis. He claims that the accords collapsed not because of a failure to live up to the agreements; but precisely because of the terms of and ideologies underlying the agreements. Today more than ever before, it's crucial to understand why these failures happened and how they will impact on future negotiations towards the 'final status agreement'. This fresh and honest account of the peace process in the Middle East shows how by learning from history it may be possible to avoid the errors that have long doomed peace in the region.

This book examines post-secession and post-transition state building in Somaliland, Somalia, South Sudan and Sudan. It explores two intimately linked, yet analytically distinct themes: state building and national identity reconstruction following secession and collapse. In Somaliland and South Sudan, rearranging the state requires a complete metamorphosis of state institutions so that they respond to the needs and interests of the people. In Sudan and Somalia, the reconfiguration of the remains of the state must address a new reality and demands on the ground. All four cases examined, although highly variable, involve conflict. Conflict defines the scope, depth and momentum of the state building and state reconstruction process. It also determines the contours and parameters of the projects to reconstitute national identity and rebuild a nation. Addressing the contested identity formation and its direct relation to state building would therefore go a long way in mitigating conflicts and state crisis.

"Succinctly laying out the problems and prospects for the Middle East in the new century, Freedman's book will be widely read in classrooms across the country."--Glenn E. Robinson, Naval Postgraduate School This collection analyzes the impact of the three major developments of the latter part of the 20th century on the future of the Middle East in the 21st century: the Arab-Israeli peace process, the 1979 Islamic revolution in Iran, and the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. Contributors treat Egypt, Israel, Jordan, the Palestinians, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Iran, Turkey, and the Arabian Peninsula, with additional chapters on U.S. and Russian policy, exploring the impact of outside powers on the region. An epilogue discusses the impact of the terrorist attacks of September 11on the region and the efforts of the United States and the European Union to build an antiterrorist coalition in the Arab world while at the same time seeking to devise a solution for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Combining contributions of scholars from many different countries and a rich mixture of viewpoints, this book is the first to provide both a comprehensive view of the Middle East at the turn of the century and an outline of the directions that its component states and peoples are likely to pursue in the years ahead. Contents Introduction Part I. The Persian Gulf and Turkey 1. The Legacy of Iraq's Past and the Promise of its Future, by Judith Yaphe 2. Iran: Slouching Toward the 21st Century, by Shaul Bakhash 3. The Arabian Peninsula Monarchies from Camp David I to Camp David II, by F. Gregory Gause III 4. From Swamp to Backyard: The Middle East in Turkish Foreign Policy, by Malik Mufti Part II. The Arab-Israeli Core Area 5. Israel Enters the 21st Century: Hegemonic Crisis in the Holy Land, by Ilan Peleg 6. The Palestinian National Movement: From Catastrophe to Disaster, by Barry Rubin 7. Jordan: Walking a Tightrope, by Yehudah Lukacs 8. Flanks, Balances, and Withdrawals: The Parameters of Syrian Policy in the Middle East since the 1979 Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty, by David W. Lesch 9. Lebanon Since 1979: Syria, Hezbollah, and the War Against Peace in the Middle East, by Marius Deeb Part III. Egypt and North Africa 10. Egypt: Moribund Between Past and Future, by Louis Cantori 11. Militant Islam and the State in North Africa, by Mary-Jane Deeb IV. The Outside Powers 12. U.S. Policy Toward Israel, by Don Peretz 13. Russian Policy in the Middle East under Yeltsin and Putin , by Robert O. Freedman Epilogue. The Bush Administration, the European Union, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict: The Impact of September 11 Robert O. Freedman is Peggy Meyerhoff Pearlstone Professor of Political Science at Baltimore Hebrew University.

Following the end of the cold war, the 1990s witnessed an intense period of geopolitical upheaval. Humanitarian intervention became an important tool for powerful nations and international coalitions trying to alter the course of unstable countries plunged into chaos. The motivations for these interventions and their implementation have generated heated policy debates ever since. This book has its origins in the intellectual and political climate of that time. The contributors analyze the arguments and counterarguments used in the debates over humanitarian intervention, then extrapolate their findings to a broader international context. In short, the book assesses the extent to which national interest and internationalist considerations enter into the rationale for actors to get involved in international crises.

The study of power is the nucleus of political science and international relations. As a shift of power from traditional industrial countries to emerging powers has been perceived since the turn of the century, this book aims to present innovative theoretical and empirical approaches that can increase our understanding of this transition. Scholars from the fields of international relations, international political economy, economics and security studies not only explore current theoretical debates on ‘power’ and ‘power shifts’ among entities, but also provide fresh insights into relevant aspects of international power in the 21st century. With a particular focus on aspects of international security, trade and production, new methods of identifying power and its sources are presented, and their potential implications and challenges are discussed.

This edited volume explore paths to ending strife across the Arab world. It addresses important issues in Arab societies beyond the narrow lens of conflict. It contains a preface, keynote address, introduction, and 11 chapters under three main themes: the root causes of conflict in the region; state-building and future prospects; and paths to inclusive citizenship in Arab societies.

'...effectively fills a long-standing void and will no doubt be hailed as a much-needed new addition to the literature... This text very much exemplifies the strength of Ho-Won Jeong as a theorist and one of the more prolific writers in the larger peace and conflict studies field... the final three chapters on 'De-escalation Dynamics' (which includes a brief section on third party intervention), on 'Conciliation Strategies,' and especially the one on 'Ending Conflict,' which provides a range of outcomes beyond the usual focus on third party intervention (read mediation) epitomizes the value of this new text' - Journal of Peace Research '...an awesome tour d'horizon of modern war, violence, and confrontation within and between nations. Illustrating via just about every conflict in every corner of the world, the author invokes an endless array of insights and interpretations, ranging from the micro to the macro, beautifully written in a seamless sequence of closely linked and discursive essays.' - Professor J. David Singer, University of Michigan 'Ho-Won Jeong has written an illuminatinbg analysis of the dynamics of conflict. He lays out the tools we have to analyze conflict in a literate and comprehensive way. A valuable book for anyone interested in a more comprehensive understanding of conflict, its sources, and its deescalation and termination' - Janice Gross Stein, Belzberg Professor of Conflict Management, Director, Munk Centre for International Studies, University of Toronto 'Jeong has successfully combined behavioral and structural analysis of the dynamics of social conflict. This volume covers the multiple dimensions - escalation, entrapment, de-escalation, termination, and resolution - both of violent and non-violent confrontation between adversaries, as well as the utility and limitations of external intervention. For students of the social sciences, it should serve as an excellent introduction to the complex realities of social conflict.' - Milton Esman, John S. Knight Professor of International Studies, Emeritus, Cornell University By examining the dynamic forces which shape and re-shape major conflicts, this timely book provides students with the knowledge base needed to successfully study conflict sources, processes and transformations. Broad in focus, it addresses the multiple social, political and psychological features central to understanding conflict situations and behaviour. A range of both recent and historical examples (including the Arab-Israeli conflict, the 'War on Terrorism', the Cold War, and the civil wars in Sudan, former Yugoslavia and Sri Lanka) are discussed, illustrating the application of concepts and theories essential to the analysis of inter-group, inter-state and intra-state conflict and conflict resolution in a wider context. Understanding Conflict and Conflict Analysis is key reading for students of international relations, peace and conflict studies, conflict resolution, international security and international law.

This book explores agency, reconciliation and minority return within the context of ethnic cleansing in Bosnia. It focuses on a community in North-West Bosnia, which successfully reversed the worst episode of ethnic cleansing prior to Srebrenica by fighting for return, and then establishing one of the only successful examples of contested minority return in the town of Kozarac. The book is a result of a longitudinal, decade-long study of a group of people who discovered a remarkable level of agency and resilience, largely without external support, and despite many of the people and institutions who were responsible for their violent expulsion remaining in place. Re-Making Kozarac considers how a community's traumatic experiences were utilised as a motivational vehicle for return, and contrasts their pragmatic approach to local compromise with the ill-informed and largely unsuccessful international projects that try to cast them as powerless victims. Importantly, the book offers critical reflections on the interventions of the trauma and reconciliation industries, which can be more harmful than is currently realised. It will be of great interest to scholars of criminology, anthropology and international relations.